More Provinces: The Die Has Been Cast
Raza Khan
The long-drawn out debate and demands in the country for having more provinces ultimately took concrete shape when the ruling Pakistan People's Party (PPP) government tabled a resolution and also managed to pass it through the National Assembly for carving out a Seraiki province.
In a quick quid pro quo, the Pakistan Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif (PML-N) also tabled a resolution in the National Assembly Secretariat for the formation of four provinces.
These included Hazara, Bahawalpur and FATA provinces. Passing or tabling of resolutions for more provinces is, indeed, a welcome one. Because the demand for all the above-mentioned proposed provinces has been quite strong not only among the political forces but also among the residents of these respective areas.
The Seraiki area and Bahawalpur divisions are part of the Punjab province while Hazara division is part of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province and FATA is a federal territory with a specific legal and territorial status. Insofar as the Seraiki province is concerned, the present PPP government, particularly its Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani, who happens to be from the Seraiki-speaking belt of the Punjab also, have made it a life and death issue. PM Gillani, on one occasion, even went to the extent of posing a question to the opponents of a proposed Seraiki province: if the Seraiki province would not be created in the presence of a Seraiki-speaking prime minister then when would it be created? The demand for making Bahawalpur division a separate province has also been quite old. Likewise the Hindko-speaking population of Hazara division of the predominantly Pakhtun-dominated KP province, since long has been calling for making it a new province. The proposal for a province in FATA is relatively new, but is the least troublesome compared to the rest of the other proposed provinces.
The PPP seems to be in a hurry to carve out a Seraiki province so that it may be included as part of the party's election manifesto for the next elections.
Apart from the Seraiki and four above-mentioned proposed provinces, the demand for making Karachi-Hyderabad out of Sindh and a Pashtoon province in Balochistan has also been gathering steam. The movements for these different provinces is going to immensely impact the outcome of the next general elections and the fortune of the political parties; in short, the political dynamics of Pakistan. The tabling of the resolution by the PML-N for making four new provinces is a significant development because, before that, all political parties save the PML-N, had reached a tentative consensus on the need for more provinces. Even the PML-N had not unequivocally opposed the creation of more provinces but had only expressed its reservations.
It is important to note that when last time the debate for the creation of a Seraiki province reached a climax, the chief minister of the Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif, had stated that there should be a national consensus on the creation of new federating units and that Karachi should also be made a new province. Interestingly, when few months back President Asif Ali Zardari restored the old local government system of Commissionerate in Sindh, after the large-scale ethnic riots, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) came out in the open to demand making Karachi and Hyderabad a new province. This is the reality of Pakistani politics that the PML-N and the MQM, the two bitter rivals, made the same demand and their respective demands were ethnically motivated. It may however, be mentioned that after the revocation of the old local government system of the Commissonerate by President Zardari from Karachi and Hyderabad, the MQM has stopped demanding the creation of a new province in Sindh.
Nevertheless, the die was cast regarding the formation of a new province in Sindh. Irrespective of the MQM or the PML-N demand, the formation of a new province on rather provinces, in Sindh on an administrative basis is an exigency. Therefore, it is expected that new provinces may soon become a reality. However, if one new province is created it could lead to vociferous demands by minority ethnicities and communities in different provinces for their own provinces. In such a situation, the government would have no option but to accede to their demand.
Otherwise, serious problems may surface for the federation. Significantly, the
main ruling party of KP and the long-time Pakhtun nationalist, Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali has already declared that his party would not oppose the formation of a Hazara province by separating the districts forming Hazara Division from the KP. The ANP has also made another important demand, that the Pakhtoon inhabited districts of Balochistan be made a separate province.
Significantly, the ANP has stopped short of demanding making these districts part of the KP, which is the political fort of the party. Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP), the political party with the largest Pakhtun following in Balochistan, had also welcomed the ANP demand; however, it has gone to the extent of making these districts part of the KP. Making Pakhtun districts of Balochistan another province could be a good administrative measure, but it would exacerbate the Baloch separatist movement. Because the Pakhtun community of Balochistan has been a bulwark against the break away of the province from Pakistan. Even then, Pakhtun areas of Balochistan are the most backward parts of the country.
The question of Bahawalpur province is a point of petty politics between the PPP and the PML-N. While the PPP is hell-bent to make the erstwhile Bahawalpur princely state part of the proposed Seraiki province; the PML-N wants to make it a new province.
The PPP intends to make the proposed Seraiki province so strong that it can rival in resources and population and, above all, in number of National Assembly seats the rest of the Punjab province and, thus, weaken the base of the PML-N. The PML-N is cognizant of the intentions of the PPP and therefore is fully backing a separate Bahawalpur province.
Without going into the implications of vested political interest, making Bahawalpur a new province would be of great administrative advantage. Making FATA a province is even more important in order to end its special status and to plug the political vacuum there, which has partly been the cause of religious extremism and terrorism originating from Pakistan. It may be mentioned that already certain civil society groups from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas like the FATA Grand Alliance have expressed serious reservations over completely ignoring reforms in FATA in the 18th Constitutional Amendment package, and have demanded making FATA a separate province. This means that a sort of forced consensus is being arrived at by the main political parties of the country regarding the formation of new provinces.
This is, indeed, a healthy political development as need for the formation of new provinces has been felt since long. The need has been mainly to improve administration as well as to equitably distribute national resources among the various ethnic groups, communities and regions. With the present huge federation units, the administration can never be expected to deliver the much-needed social services. Moreover, with the provinces becoming the monopolies or duopolies of majority ethnic communities, the rest of the ethnic and regional groups constituting that province always felt disempowered and economically and politically marginalized.
In a quick quid pro quo, the Pakistan Muslim League of Nawaz Sharif (PML-N) also tabled a resolution in the National Assembly Secretariat for the formation of four provinces.
These included Hazara, Bahawalpur and FATA provinces. Passing or tabling of resolutions for more provinces is, indeed, a welcome one. Because the demand for all the above-mentioned proposed provinces has been quite strong not only among the political forces but also among the residents of these respective areas.
The Seraiki area and Bahawalpur divisions are part of the Punjab province while Hazara division is part of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province and FATA is a federal territory with a specific legal and territorial status. Insofar as the Seraiki province is concerned, the present PPP government, particularly its Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani, who happens to be from the Seraiki-speaking belt of the Punjab also, have made it a life and death issue. PM Gillani, on one occasion, even went to the extent of posing a question to the opponents of a proposed Seraiki province: if the Seraiki province would not be created in the presence of a Seraiki-speaking prime minister then when would it be created? The demand for making Bahawalpur division a separate province has also been quite old. Likewise the Hindko-speaking population of Hazara division of the predominantly Pakhtun-dominated KP province, since long has been calling for making it a new province. The proposal for a province in FATA is relatively new, but is the least troublesome compared to the rest of the other proposed provinces.
The PPP seems to be in a hurry to carve out a Seraiki province so that it may be included as part of the party's election manifesto for the next elections.
Apart from the Seraiki and four above-mentioned proposed provinces, the demand for making Karachi-Hyderabad out of Sindh and a Pashtoon province in Balochistan has also been gathering steam. The movements for these different provinces is going to immensely impact the outcome of the next general elections and the fortune of the political parties; in short, the political dynamics of Pakistan. The tabling of the resolution by the PML-N for making four new provinces is a significant development because, before that, all political parties save the PML-N, had reached a tentative consensus on the need for more provinces. Even the PML-N had not unequivocally opposed the creation of more provinces but had only expressed its reservations.
It is important to note that when last time the debate for the creation of a Seraiki province reached a climax, the chief minister of the Punjab, Shahbaz Sharif, had stated that there should be a national consensus on the creation of new federating units and that Karachi should also be made a new province. Interestingly, when few months back President Asif Ali Zardari restored the old local government system of Commissionerate in Sindh, after the large-scale ethnic riots, the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM) came out in the open to demand making Karachi and Hyderabad a new province. This is the reality of Pakistani politics that the PML-N and the MQM, the two bitter rivals, made the same demand and their respective demands were ethnically motivated. It may however, be mentioned that after the revocation of the old local government system of the Commissonerate by President Zardari from Karachi and Hyderabad, the MQM has stopped demanding the creation of a new province in Sindh.
Nevertheless, the die was cast regarding the formation of a new province in Sindh. Irrespective of the MQM or the PML-N demand, the formation of a new province on rather provinces, in Sindh on an administrative basis is an exigency. Therefore, it is expected that new provinces may soon become a reality. However, if one new province is created it could lead to vociferous demands by minority ethnicities and communities in different provinces for their own provinces. In such a situation, the government would have no option but to accede to their demand.
Otherwise, serious problems may surface for the federation. Significantly, the
main ruling party of KP and the long-time Pakhtun nationalist, Awami National Party (ANP) chief Asfandyar Wali has already declared that his party would not oppose the formation of a Hazara province by separating the districts forming Hazara Division from the KP. The ANP has also made another important demand, that the Pakhtoon inhabited districts of Balochistan be made a separate province.
Significantly, the ANP has stopped short of demanding making these districts part of the KP, which is the political fort of the party. Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PKMAP), the political party with the largest Pakhtun following in Balochistan, had also welcomed the ANP demand; however, it has gone to the extent of making these districts part of the KP. Making Pakhtun districts of Balochistan another province could be a good administrative measure, but it would exacerbate the Baloch separatist movement. Because the Pakhtun community of Balochistan has been a bulwark against the break away of the province from Pakistan. Even then, Pakhtun areas of Balochistan are the most backward parts of the country.
The question of Bahawalpur province is a point of petty politics between the PPP and the PML-N. While the PPP is hell-bent to make the erstwhile Bahawalpur princely state part of the proposed Seraiki province; the PML-N wants to make it a new province.
The PPP intends to make the proposed Seraiki province so strong that it can rival in resources and population and, above all, in number of National Assembly seats the rest of the Punjab province and, thus, weaken the base of the PML-N. The PML-N is cognizant of the intentions of the PPP and therefore is fully backing a separate Bahawalpur province.
Without going into the implications of vested political interest, making Bahawalpur a new province would be of great administrative advantage. Making FATA a province is even more important in order to end its special status and to plug the political vacuum there, which has partly been the cause of religious extremism and terrorism originating from Pakistan. It may be mentioned that already certain civil society groups from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas like the FATA Grand Alliance have expressed serious reservations over completely ignoring reforms in FATA in the 18th Constitutional Amendment package, and have demanded making FATA a separate province. This means that a sort of forced consensus is being arrived at by the main political parties of the country regarding the formation of new provinces.
This is, indeed, a healthy political development as need for the formation of new provinces has been felt since long. The need has been mainly to improve administration as well as to equitably distribute national resources among the various ethnic groups, communities and regions. With the present huge federation units, the administration can never be expected to deliver the much-needed social services. Moreover, with the provinces becoming the monopolies or duopolies of majority ethnic communities, the rest of the ethnic and regional groups constituting that province always felt disempowered and economically and politically marginalized.
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